By Mark Hendrickson
As soon as considered as a unique period characterised by means of excessive bigotry, nostalgia for easier instances, and a revulsion opposed to energetic govt, the Twenties were rediscovered via historians in fresh many years as a time while Herbert Hoover and his allies labored to noticeably reform financial coverage. In American hard work and financial Citizenship, Mark Hendrickson either augments and amends this view via learning the origins and improvement of recent period coverage services and information. Policy-oriented social scientists in govt, alternate union, educational, and nonprofit corporations confirmed how tools for reaching reliable financial development via elevated productiveness may well either defang the scary enterprise cycle and defuse the development of adversarial classification kinfolk that Gilded Age depressions had helped to set as an American process of commercial kinfolk. associated by way of rising associations equivalent to the Social technological know-how learn Council, the nationwide city League, and the Women's Bureau, social investigators attacked rampant sexual and racial discrimination, usually justified through incorrect organic arguments, that denied lady and minority staff complete financial citizenship within the office and the polity. those students validated that those practices not just constrained productiveness and undercut improved intake, but additionally belied the claims for equity that needs to buttress coverage visions in a democracy.
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Additional info for American Labor and Economic Citizenship: New Capitalism from World War I to the Great Depression
When Van Kleeck addressed the NUL and spoke of employers who followed “blindly the myths about the incapacity of women and their industrial traits” and the resulting lack of access to better-paying occupations and equal pay for equal work, leaders in the NUL could nod in agreement. 50 Yet at other times, a shared status could be of great concern, as when experts gravely pondered the reality that with the ending of mass immigration after World War I, black, Mexican American, and Mexican immigrant workers appeared to be left to compete with against one another for the least skilled and poorest paying occupations.
39 On the emergence of social work, see Andrew J. F. Morris, The Limits of Voluntarism: Charity and Welfare from the New Deal through the Great Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009); Linda Gordon, Pitied But Not Entitled: Single Mothers and the History of Welfare (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994), particularly 67–108; Roy Lubove, The Professional Altruist: The Emergence of Social Work as a Career, 1880–1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965); Alice O’Connor, Poverty Knowledge: Social Science, Social Policy and the Poor in Twentieth-Century U.
Although the Supreme Court rejected most labor standards legislation during the decade, nonlegislative policy domains provided a number of examples of previously private issues shifting from the private to the public domain. For all of the Hooverites’ apparent conservativism, they brought with them a clear understanding that there was such a thing as the public good, that it needed looking after, and that society was something more than the aggregate of rights-bearing individuals. Hoover’s efforts to address the length of the workday in the steel industry, form trade associations, and use the government to promote efficiency in industry and society were all premised on the belief that the market, left to its own devices, would not inevitably lead to the good society.